December 2, 2007
An Incredible Victory
This just came across the wire:
21:37 PST Venezuelan Voters Reject Chavez's Constitutional Reform
By Raul Gallegos and Darcy CroweOf DOW JONES NEWSWIRES
CARACAS (Dow Jones)--Venezuelans voted to reject President Hugo Chavez's constitutional reform proposal by a slim margin Sunday, marking the first electoral defeat in the president's nine years in office.
Venezuelans who opposed Chavez's reform, which he had said was a cornerstone for his plans to guide the Andean country towards socialism, managed to block the measure by a narrow margin.
The National Electoral Council president, Tibisay Lucena, said in televised remarks that although the total vote tally was not finished "the trend was irreversible."
President Hugo Chavez accepted defeat in televised remarks shortly after the electoral authority announced the results.
The 69 articles included in the reform were divided in two blocs that Venezuelans voted on. In the first bloc, which encompassed the majority of the proposed economic reforms, opponents of changing the country's charter won with 50.7% of the vote, while supporters only obtained 49.29%.
In the second bloc, which granted the executive branch the power to suspend basic legal rights under a state of emergency among other changes, opponents to the reform won with 51.01% of the vote, while supporters obtained 48.94%.
Reforms would have let Chavez run for office indefinitely, control foreign reserves, censor the media in times he deemed were an emergency, appoint cronies over locally elected officials, and the list goes on.
I'm still in shock both Chavez and the CNE have admitted defeat. What a victory for liberty in Venezuela.
More on Chavez here, here, and here.
Update: Well, I guess this should have been expected. More headlines:
Venezuela's President Says Reform Plan Defeated `For Now'
Venezuela's Chavez: Opposition Groups Still A Minority
Venezuela's Chavez: Country Still Building `Socialism'
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Venezuela's Chavez: Constitutional Proposal `Still Alive'
Posted by Peter Mork at 9:46 PM | Comments | TrackBack
April 17, 2007
Price Controls Working Wonders in Venezuela
From the Economist:
Who controls the food supply and why a fertile and oil-rich country should have problems getting food to its 27m people are questions that pit the leftist government of Hugo Chávez against much of the private sector. Venezuela has one of the world's highest inflation rates (see chart). Food prices are rising even faster than the overall index. That is despite—or because of—the fact that food, medicines and basic services have been subject to price controls since 2003. Meat, milk, black beans and sugar are among many products that, from time to time, disappear from the shelves—even those of Mercal, the government-run supermarket chain. Often, though, these goods can be found at much higher prices in the hands of street traders.
The government has a simple answer to the conundrum. “It's part of the curse of capitalism,” according to Mr Chávez. In February he declared war on “hoarders and speculators”, issuing a decree mandating jail sentences of up to six years for anyone interfering with food supplies. The government promptly seized a slaughterhouse and a cold-store.
Many businessmen and shopkeepers have a different view. They complain that controlled prices are set so low that they are obliged to sell at a loss. If they don't, they risk fines, temporary closure, expropriation or even imprisonment. In late March, for instance, the government temporarily closed 17 butchers' shops it accused of breaking price regulations. Mr Chávez has said that if he has to take over the entire food industry he will, although many Venezuelans doubt the government would be capable of running it.
Posted by Peter Mork at 12:36 PM | Comments | TrackBack
March 10, 2006
The Man Who Controls Venezuela
He stood in front of the television cameras and cracked a whip in a fury. "This is what I am going to do to my opponents!" he declared as he drew back the whip and threw it forward once again. The air snapped loudly making the message of intimidation clear.
No, this was not a professional wrestler trying to entice teenage boys into watching his next championship match. It was Hugo Chavez in his campaign for the presidency of Venezuela. The month was November 1998 and in this televised appearance he was describing what he planned on doing to his main opposition, the Acción Democrática party.
Who would have thought at the time that some seven years later this man would be one of the most recognizable faces in world politics? One month his face is seen worldwide after televangelist Pat Robertson suggested he should be assassinated and the next Chavez is on CNN predicting the United States will soon be dropping bombs on Caracas in an effort to take over Venezuela's oil fields.
More recently, he received world attention for his "Anti"-Summit of the Americas in Mar de Plata, Argentina, an attempt to derail the real summit opening the following day. Now, this past December, headlines read his coalition of political parties have taken 100% of the seats in the Venezuelan Assembly after opposition parties withdrew from the election.
Love him or hate him no one can deny that Hugo Chavez has made sure the world knows his name.
And not only do people across the world know his name, many admire him to such a degree that Chavez has reached celebrity status. For example, in a recent BBC interview with Chavez favorable questions and comments poured in from abroad.
A reader from Irvine, California stated "I think you are a bright light amongst an otherwise dim group of world leaders - a Bobby Kennedy for Latin America" while a man from Saint John, Canada chimed in "I admire your work and your perseverance against all the critics. Stand strong and best wishes bringing prosperity to Venezuela!"
One published comment in particular seemed to sum up the feeling of many who took the time to write in: "Many people around the globe appreciate you dearly."
But what has he done to earn this goodwill? And more importantly, does he deserve it?
The most obvious reason for Chavez's international support comes from his oil funded social programs for the poor, combined with his anti-Bush rhetoric. But it is more complex than this simple recipe.
While Chavez's Barrio Adento program raises eyebrows due to the uniqueness of bringing thousands of Cuban doctors to Venezuela in exchange for oil, the goal of bringing healthcare to the needy is not confined to his government. It is actually one of the most common themes pushed by politicians of all stripes. In Chile's presidential election in late 2005 one of the promises made by Joaquin Lavín, the furthest right-of-center candidate, was the construction of numerous new medical facilities to help the underprivileged. Likewise, Bush himself campaigned on building or improving 1,200 healthcare sites to serve millions in rural areas. His administration, like Chavez, has spent hundreds of millions accomplishing this goal.
Nor is the world in any shortage of politicians who condemn President Bush. While Chavez definitely pushes these limits, as he did when he labeled Bush "a killer, a genocidal murderer and a madman," criticizing the President of the United States is one of the easiest ways for politicians worldwide to score points with their constituents.
What does set Chavez apart from others is what many find to be his charismatic, albeit edgy, personality. This was reflected in an article by Robin Lustig, the BBC reporter who spoke with Chavez in the interview mentioned above. The title of the piece says it all: "Hugo Chavez: Charming Provocateur".
This personality in turn leads to a distinctive style of governance. For, not only does Chavez set up government programs for the poor, but if you are lucky enough to be one of the calls he takes on his weekly Sunday television show, Aló Presidente, he will personally change your life. Callers who describe serious medical problems are told that they will be flown to Cuba for treatment, often in the President's own plane. Others who are unemployed but have an interest in maybe budgeting or math, are told that the president of their government bank, Banco del Pueblo Soberano, is always in need of people and will immediately be calling to offer them a job. Chavez is Santa Claus and Jerry Springer all rolled into one and many people in the country love him for it.
It is also hard not to crack a smile, whether in disbelief or in sincere humor, when he tells stories about experiences with his daughter's pets, when he refers to Bush as "Mr. Danger", or when he recounts how he struck out Fidel Castro in a friendly baseball game between the two countries a few years back (Fidel still disputes the umpires call and the subject continues to be a matter of debate between the two).
Yet, despite all these humorous antics, one quickly realizes that this comic relief can reach the point of absurdity. Such was the case in 2002 when Chavez decided to terminate employees of the state oil company who were helping to organize a strike. No, they were not sent letters by the government letting them know they would be dismissed. Instead they were given notice live on national television by Chavez who read each of their names off a list. After reading some of their names he would sarcastically thank them for their service, while for others he blew a soccer whistle and screamed "Offsides!!!" to let them know they had been fired.
It is times like these you ask yourself, how is this man running a country?
This same bizarre attitude is seen extending across all segments of the Venezuelan government.
For one, Hugo Chavez is a man of change. Within a year of winning the presidency, not only did Venezuela have a new constitution but it also had a new name, Republica Bolivariana de Venezuela, something Chavez insisted upon. In 2001, he passed 49 radical new laws by executive decree, many of which drastically changed the country's business environment and even violated his new constitution. On top of this, his possible presidential term has been extended to 2013 with talks of extending this date to 2030. Prior to his arrival, presidents could only sit for one 5-year term without the possibility a second term for 10 years. This would have forced Chavez to relinquish his office in February 2004.
With regards to the centralization of power, in addition to the above, on his show he has publicly taunted governors of opposition parties who he has denied or delayed funds to run their provinces (unlike the U.S. all tax revenue flows through the Federal government before making its way back to the states). In places like Zulia, Carabobo, and Miranda when the money was eventually sent a good part of it did not go to the provincial government, but instead to generals allied with Chavez who thereafter acted like elected governors. Under such circumstances people quickly learned that it literally didn't pay to vote for an opposition candidate.
In another incident this past fall, the world saw firsthand his respect for property rights. While Chavez continued putting forth the idea that land should be expropriated from large owners, he suddenly declared that next week's Aló Presidente would be filmed from one of these large ranches he wanted to confiscate. Military soldiers quickly invaded a portion of one large estate, cleared an area for a makeshift set, and the following Sunday Chavez indeed broadcast his show live from the ranch... all without permission of the owner.
Which is just one example of Chavez's respect for the law. During his term he has also illegally recorded private phone conversations with a wire tap then broadcast them to the country on national television, passed "organic" laws ( i.e. the most important) by a simple majority instead of the necessary 2/3 mandated in the constitution, and even dismissed 20,000 state oil company workers without their promised severance packages, company savings, or rights to their pensions.
But who needs to respect the law when you have the courts stacked in your favor? This past year Chavez increased the number of justices on the Supreme Court of Venezuela from 20 to 32. Five additional justices were added to fill vacancies bringing the total number of new appointees to 17.
These new justices, appointed by a Chavez-controlled Assembly, made clear that they are anything but unbiased interpreters of the law during the opening ceremonies for the Venezuelan courts. At the event on January 26th of this year, the justices began chanting "Oohhh! Aahhh! Chavez no se va!" (i.e . "Oohhh! Aahhh! Chavez will not leave!"… a popular chant at pro-Chavez rallies).
Other Chavez acts are guaranteed to turn your stomach. Case in point, in early 2004 Chavez informed the world that Condoleezza Rice kept bringing him up because she was having dreams of him out of sexually frustration. He added that while it would be too much of a sacrifice for him to personally help her out in that regards, he listed several friends who could offer their services.
All the while the government continues to crack down on those who are critical of these acts. In 2005 a new law was passed that makes it a crime to "insult" the President of the Republic. This crime, which is not even definable, will land you in prison for 6 to 30 months. The punishment is increased by a third if the act was done publicly.
In this same vein, the influential Venezuelan NGO Súmate states on it's website that there are "presently more than two hundred political prisoners and people who are persecuted for political reasons in Venezuela." A quick search on the internet will turn up several articles from Venezuelan periodicals such as El Universal and El National that put names behind these figures.
With these few examples in mind (there are many more), it is worth recounting some of the tumultuous events that led to the last election that left Chavez in complete control of the political system.
In April 2002, after a continued series of strikes and protests aimed at the Chavez government, a giant opposition march on April 11th turned into a blood bath as government forces opened fire on demonstrators headed towards Miraflores Palace. While Chavez was having television stations taken off the air for covering the events, several key military officials denounced the massacre and relinquished their positions. By the end of the day Chavez himself had stepped down with a guarantee for his safety but in an odd turn of events an unorganized opposition overplayed its hand and two days later Chavez was back in office.
While strikes and protests continued, the opposition's focus now shifted to a recall referendum to remove Chavez from power. In the fall of 2002 enough signatures were gathered for a consultative, or non-binding, referendum to be held on February 2nd, 2003. But shortly before the referendum was to take place, the Supreme Court stopped the vote, not on grounds that the referendum itself was unconstitutional, but that the vote could not be held until a new National Electoral Council (CNE) was named by what was now a Chavez-controlled assembly.
So in February, on the same day the first referendum was to take place, another signature drive was held and millions of people signed a constitutional recall referendum to remove Chavez from power. Yet, this process was again deemed illegitimate by the newly appointed CNE later in the year.
This forced the opposition to hold yet another signature drive in late November 2003, this time in compliance with rules made by the council. During the drive 3.4 million signatures were gathered, more than enough to put the referendum on the ballot. However, in the months that followed the CNE again questioned the legitimacy of the process, saying that the validity of many of the signatures was in doubt. After intense negotiation, it was decided that Venezuelans would be called on once again, this time to validate their signatures. They did in late May 2004 but reaffirming their signatures took on a whole new meaning.
For in the months between the signature drive and when signers were to reaffirm their signatures, Luis Tascon, a deputy in Chavez's party, published a database on the internet. This database, that would come to be known as the Tascon List and was accessible to anyone, documented who signed the petition to remove Chavez from power. It was subsequently used to fire referendum supporters who worked for the government, cancel government contracts, turn down requests to replace lost identification, and to deny government jobs for those seeking such employment. The government then made it clear that those who had originally signed the referendum could withdraw their signatures at the second signature drive. Many did to avoid further harassment.
Amazingly, enough signatures were still gathered, and while the now Chavez controlled CNE still tried to block the referendum, there were so many signatures that ultimately it could not refuse. It followed that on August 15th, 2004 Venezuelans headed to the polls to determine Chavez's fate.
Chavez was initially trailing heavily in the polls, but he began to gain ground as the election neared after heavy spending on social programs, pro-Chavez campaigning on the government's dime, and sometimes not-too-subtle reminders that those who voted against him might regret it (many feared that voting machines could be used to track their votes).
The day of the election exit polls showed Chavez losing by 60% to 40% margin, but surprisingly he emerged victorious by a virtual mirror image of the predicted results. These totals were not accepted without controversy.
The OAS and the Carter Center were criticized for quickly giving the election their blessing without even a partial random audit of the paper ballots in front of opposition representatives as was agreed on prior to the elections. The opposition also complained that the voter's registrar had grown by leaps and bounds in the months before the vote, possibly by adding individuals near the Colombian border who were not citizens. This would have been facilitated through a new government identification program called Mission Identidad.
Even today the controversy still rages. Just this past November a group of academics disclosed the findings of a new study they had just completed with regards to the August 2004 vote. According to an interview in El Universal, they found that given the number of voting machines, to reach the total of 8.5 million votes cast polls would need to have been open for an additional six hours. Their study concluded that between 1.5 and 2 million votes had been inserted into voting machines, turning a 5 percentage point victory for the opposition into a 20 point defeat.
Although the finding of this study was released in the week that preceded the last election it was not the reason for the boycott. Instead, it was concerns over voting privacy and election gerrymandering that made it clear that voters were going to stay home the day of the election. This in turn led opposition candidates to withdraw.
First off, a system of "morochas" or "twins" was in place whereby voter would cast ballots for both their party of choice and a candidate. Yet, with the addition of a new pro-Chavez political party, Chavez's coalition would receive an even higher percentage of the seats in the assembly than the proportion of votes they had received on election day. Even the Chavez-friendly head of the CNE, Jorge Rodríguez, stated that he had concerns over this issue but it was too difficult for him to solve this problem. This violation of proportional representation was clearly a cause for concern amongst the opposition.
Secondly, days before the election, at a voting simulation for international observers, the opposition demonstrated that Smartmatic voting machines to be used in the election could be used to keep track of individual votes. As observers voted in a mock election a man named Leopoldo Gonzalez read aloud for whom each person had voted. Embarrassed, Smartmatic technicians had him stop the demonstration and in the days that would follow the government would offer further concessions in an attempt to have the election as planned despite this demonstration.
But with unresolved issues like the presence of "morochas", the inequitable directorship of CNE, a voter registrar never checked in spite of constitutional mandates, and the Tascon List still fresh in people's minds, the concessions were not enough. Listening to their constituents the opposition candidates decided to boycott the election. According to the government 75% of registered voters did not cast ballots, while according to some this figure is in excess of 83%. Everyone is still waiting for the official numbers, which, despite the sophisticated voting machines, still have not been released.
The figures are stunning considering that the government extended voting hours in certain areas as they made last ditch efforts to get people to the polls (the CNE had previously made clear that hours would only be extended if there were lines to vote as the polls closed, which there were none).
Additionally, in an election day television appearance a deputy in Chavez's party said that public employees who did not vote should be fired (a fact hard to conceal from your employer as voters dipped their fingers in ink that was impossible to wash off for several days).
Nonetheless, at the end of the day Chavez's coalition of political parties held every seat in the assembly.
And what has been the international reaction to this turn of events?
As I read the headlines back home I was saddened to see that many focused on the accusation that the U.S. was behind the opposition's boycott. Not mentioned in these articles were the facts behind the concerns over voting privacy or that these accusations were made in a tirade by the vice-President who also said the opposition parties could "go to hell."
Nor did I see much press on the reaction by Chavez to the unfavorable EU and OAS reports. While in August 2004 Chavez repeatedly fell back on the OAS analysis to counter claims of fraud, this time around he stated that the EU and OAS were "acting in cohorts against people's interests and democracy" because they validated many of the opposition's complaints.
Then, in a package I recently received from home, my father threw in a copy of an article from the San Francisco Chronicle that heaped praise on Chavez for selling discounted fuel to low-income families in Massachusetts. Of course, relative poverty in Massachusetts cannot be compared with poverty in Venezuela, a country where according to the most recent data collected by the UN millions live on less than $1 a day.
Still, the quotes from Americans didn't reflect this sentiment, nor did they seem concerned with the political turmoil that exists in Venezuela. Instead they paid tribute to Chavez much like the comments from the BBC interview. Almost ironically, Joseph Kennedy was featured in the photograph accompanying the piece as he helped to haul a heating hose to one of the first recipients of the program.
In the same vein as my reporting from Cuba, I must stress to those that are sympathetic to Chavez that it is a logical error to assume the good is found in your enemy's enemy. As can be seen, the Chavez government is one that is no friend of decency in governance or political freedom, two standards we all cherish.
Simply put, too many people are allowing themselves to ignore violations of these ideals. Deep down some no doubt feel it is good to have a counterweight to Bush while others think that Chavez's "socialism for the 21st century" might finally get it right. And with that they give him the benefit of the doubt.
But such complacency comes at a cost. In free countries across oceans it may be safe to play with Chavez without getting burned, but it also condemns millions of Venezuelans to a life in the flames.
Posted by Peter Mork at 6:09 PM | Comments | TrackBack
October 18, 2005
Off to Quito
This morning, before heading to the airport, we went over to Beatriz’s house for an hour or so to look at her orchid garden. It was huge and beautiful but I’m not going to be able to do it justice with words so I suggest you click on the photo to the right and head over to our photo site to take a look at the garden for yourself.
We said goodbye to Vladimir and Juan and before long were on a plane to Quito. Once we arrived in Ecuador everything went smoothly except for immigration. When the officer asked us how long we were staying I said a little over a week. She quickly gave us a 10 day tourist visa. When I told her we might be in Ecuador for 11 or 12 days she said we would need to go to an immigration office and have it extended then. Not what I want to do the first thing tomorrow morning, but hopefully it is as easy as it was back in Chiapas.
On our way from the airport to the area of Quito we were staying we got our first exposure to the Ecuadorian-Andean accent. It almost sounds as if they are singing yet is clear and easy to understand. We also caught a glimpse of Andean indeans wearing their traditional hats as we exited the airport. Once again we can tell we are in another country, and not only because the drop in temperature.
We found a nice hostel in Mariscal and headed out for some dinner. You really can feel the altitude here. Hopefully neither of us will suffer any altitude sickness. We are crossing our fingers.
Posted by Peter Mork at 7:02 AM | Comments | TrackBack
October 17, 2005
Tracking down a Cuban Doctor
As it was our last full day in Caracas I decided to take one more shot at attempting to talk to a Cuban doctor. Em and I hiked to a Barrio Adentro I that was somewhat close to where we are staying. This specific facility specialized in optometry and was located inside a parking garage used by the police force.
Inside there were about 20 or so people waiting. I approached the entrance and asked the patients waiting a bit about the office. There was in fact a Cuban doctor inside at this facility but he was clearly busy. They had been waiting there since 6:30am in the morning (it was now about 11:30am) when the office handed out 25 tickets with sequential numbers to the people they would see for the day. Currently they were on number 7 so there was still quite a ways to go. It was clear no one would have been happy if someone from the U.S. jumped the line to talk with the doctor extending their wait.
As a patient exited the office I got look around the office briefly before the next person’s turn. There was a large picture of Fidel on the wall and while I was expecting a young doctor fresh out of medical school in Havana, instead the Cuban doctor looked to me like he was over 70.
I finished up my discussion with the patients and headed over to Emily who was talking with a well-dressed, middle-aged man who seemed very interested in our curiosity about the program. It turns out he was a director of various cultural programs set up by Chavez, and not surprisingly, a strong supporter.
He explained how the Cuban doctor trade for Venezuelan oil was going well. If there was something that the doctor could not treat here in Venezuela or if operations were needed, Venezuelans and their family members would be flown to Cuba, all expenses paid, to have their medical treatment. Em asked, remembering the poor state of the Cuba situation for Cubans themselves, who paid for all of these expenses? Well Cuba, of course, as part of the oil for doctors agreement. Em then asked, where are the Venezuelan doctors? He explained that Venezuelan doctors were selfish and only concerned with making money. Being a doctor, he said, was more about helping people. Cuban doctors practiced not for money (i.e. not to feed themselves or support themselves) but to help others in need. Em later relayed to me how she found it ironic that this well dressed, clearly well connected man used the Barrio Adentro system that in theory was set up for the poor.
Other topics ranged from the theory we’ve heard repeatedly on the trip that Bush was responsible for bringing down the WTC towers, to the recent history of Venezuela, to various example how the press, opposition parties, and of course the U.S. were lying to try to distort Chavez’s good record.
I just listened calmly to his points not wanting to turn an already 40 minute conversation into a pointless debate. Em on the other hand was unable to just let this guy spout off unchallenged. She finally broke when he presented what he thought was something we had never heard in the U.S. before, that Bush not only stole Florida, but also Ohio in the last election. “Well, thankgoodness at least we have a strong constitution that guarantees that after 2008 we know he won’t be in office” Since Chavez has extended the maximum of 5 years in office to a maximum of 12 years in office, and is toying with the idea of extending it to 32, the guy changed the subject.
Tonight we headed back over to Vladimir’s house for a traditional Venezuelan dinner. We had a variety of Venezuelan dishes that Em recorded in photography. Vladimir and his family are great and we have been so lucky to have gotten to know them this week. Over dinner we of course had many more interesting conversations. It’s hilarious some of the things Chavez does and it just seems everyone here just laughs about it as a release.
They were saying that Chavez tells a story that his one encounter with Bush was in Quebec a few years ago. There were several people between them and while U.S. secret service agents were moving them apart Chavez yelled to Bush “I want to be your friend!!!” to which Bush supposedly yelled back “I want to be your friend too!!” We also talked about the baseball game between Cuba and Venezuela in which both Castro and Chavez took part in. They still jokingly argue whether or not Chavez struck out Castro in an at bat after the game. These guys are character and make you want to laugh until you remember that Fidel is a dictator and Chavez is getting close to earning that title. It is also interesting that just last week the vice president of Cuba stated that Cuba really has two presidents: Castro and Chavez. Possible successor?
We’re now back at the house and about to do some proof reading and post over a month of updates. Should be fun.
Posted by Peter Mork at 7:00 AM | Comments | TrackBack
October 16, 2005
A Sunday without “Alo Presidente”
Chavez’s weekly television program “Alo Presidente” was not on today due to the fact he is in Europe attending the Ibo-American conference along with a closed door match between Inter Milan and a Venezuelan team for himself and 200 people in his entourage. As such, we used the morning to catch up on some writing.
In the afternoon we went for a hike in the mountains north of Caracas with Elisabeth’s nephew Gustavo and his wife Daniela. We had good talks along the way. He recently has started a small cattle ranch so he had some insights into the Chavez imposed price controls. We also talked about the movie we saw earlier in the week Secuestro Express. They have actually had some friends kidnapped in Caracas so it obviously took on even more meaning.
It was a good hike but once we had reached our destination after about 40 minutes of hiking, it started to absolutely pour rain. That made for an adventurous decent, but we finally made it. Along the way we met up with a woman and several children who had planned a picnic in the mountains, yet the day had not gone as planned. They had been hiking around since 9 o’clock in the morning, couldn’t get a fire going to cook their food, and were somewhat lost so they followed us back down to the exit. On the way down the woman stated she was going to write a letter to “mi Comandante” (i.e. Chavez) to see if he would fix the steep trails and possibly make donkeys available for people to ride up the mountain. She wasn’t kidding either.
Back at the house we had dinner with the whole family who came over for the weekly Sunday event. At the end of the night we made sure everyone had our email and web address so that we can keep in touch. All of them were so welcoming and nice to us for our stay in Caracas.
Posted by Peter Mork at 6:57 AM | Comments | TrackBack
October 15, 2005
Movie Makers and Manifestaciones
Em was feeling sick this morning so Vladimir and I headed over to meet with filmmaker Malena Roncayolo on our own. She and her family were very nice and we had a good talk. More than anything, both Vladimir and I threw out some ideas that could possibly get her films in the hands of more people. It was interesting that she had a good deal of success getting the film distributed in Italy with the help a socialist party in the country. Apparently they don’t think Chavez is worthy of their party’s name. That despite the fact in his own words he is creating socialism for the 21st century.
This afternoon we had quite an adventure and a first for both Emily and myself. We attended an opposition party rally that totaled 5,000 to 6,000 people from all walks of life on the streets of Caracas. Like yesterday, everyone thought Em was international press so she got some great pictures. I also took some video that I’ll possibly be able to put online and link to in the near future.
One of the speakers at the rally, Tulio Alvarez, a lawyer who was leading the legal crusade against the electoral fraud in August 2004, is currently in hiding from the government. When he showed up people erupted in cheers. Helicopters at this point were also circling above. After his fiery speech, Em saw him hop on the back of a motorcycle and disappear into traffic. Some of the pictures will do the event more justice than I can in words so I recommend people head over to our photo site and take a look.
One woman who Em spoke with was a Venezuelan doctor. When asked about the Cuban doctor situation she told of stories of unqualified Cuban doctors treating patients, misdiagnosing the problem, and something going terribly wrong. Patients then had to be transported to military hospitals to attempt to cover up the situation. She was no happy about being locked out of the system as a Venezuelan doctor, and being labeled by Chavez a selfish esqualido. Obviously, she is coming from a unique perspective but it would be interesting to see a study on the quality of treatment within the Barrio Adentro program.
As if that were not a full enough day, after the party we ended up going a party to celebrate the baptism of one of Elisabeth’s nieces. It was an incredible event and quite a contrast the demonstration we had just come from. Best of all was the story of her sister’s husband had come from Spain with basically nothing and started a business doing catering and parties that had turned into a huge success. Needless to say they knew how to throw a party and tonight Emily and I were lucky to be the benefactors of this expertise.
It was an eventful day but now it is off to bed.
Posted by Peter Mork at 6:54 AM | Comments | TrackBack
October 14, 2005
Press Conference for Opposition Candidates
This morning we headed to a press conference hosted by the Asociacion Civil Asamblea de Educacion. It featured various opposition party members that were running for Parliament in the upcoming Dec. 4th election. When Em walked in with her camera people though she was international press (which I guess we are) and they handed her information on the event.
The main message of the talk was to encourage people to get out and vote. They were clearly worried about voter turnout as many have been boycotting elections since the referendum to protest all the cheating that went on that day. The problem is that if Chavez’s party gets two thirds of the legislature he will be able to change the constitution any way he wants. [Not that he hasn’t changed it drastically already. For example, what was supposed to be a 5 year term that began in 1998 has now been extended so that Chavez can remain in power until 2021... and he keeps mentioning that this might be extended to 2030.]
Candidates present included: Filipe Becerra, Isa Dobles (who was formerly a close acquaintance of Fidel Castro), Giuseppe Giannetto (a former director of a major University who has been attacked ruthlessly by Chavez), Liliana Hernandez (current member of Parliament and one of the most passionate speakers I’ve seen in person), Leonardo Carvajal, Bony de Simonovis (the wife of a the former police chief Ivan de Simonovis, Ivan was arrested last spring for speaking to the protesters two years ago at the April 11th marches… the day Chavez stepped down from power after many of the marchers were killed), Jesus Cabezas, and Jose Luis Faria (a leftist politician who has turned against Chavez).
While brief, all the speeches were interesting. Faria, for example, gave an excellent talk on the importance of property rights. He made the analogy that if the government was given the power to confiscate farmland it deemed “unproductive”, what safeguards would people have when the government next decided that it wanted to take a second house that was not your primary residence, or even an unused bedroom in your home? When I commented to Vladimir that I wished we had leftist politicians like that in the United States, he replied that Chavez has opened a lot of people’s eyes to these kinds of issues. Also, as I mentioned earlier, Liliana is such a passionate well-spoken individual that I’m sure Chavez would love nothing more than to have her out of power.
It should be noted as well that these politicians face serious risks just exiting and entering the capital building to vote. We were told Chavistas gather in masses in the plaza outside the capital when the parliament is in session and at times have resorted to violence against those who vote in opposition to their party. One opposition politician was stabbed in the plaza when leaving the building. On another occasion, Chavez called for parliament to convene in one of the Barrios of the city. Opposition candidates did not attend, knowing they would be putting themselves in danger. Thus, Chavez used the opportunity to push though several bills he could not get through in normal sessions.
After the event we grabbed some lunch at a small, open-air, buffet style restaurant that was directly across from the building in which Vladimir used to work. We had some great paella at an even better price. Since we were in the area we toured the art museum that was located just across the street. The museum housed a famous painting of Francisco de Miranda in a prison cell that was quite impressive. We also took some time to walk around the city park that was at the same location.
Tonight we headed back over to Vladimir’s house for dinner. Sitting in his living room before the meal he gave us a great walk though of the history of Venezuela over the last 40 years. It really helped to give us a bigger picture.
After dinner we watched another film on the oil workers and their conflicts with the government. Scenes from this event were particularly disturbing. It was another full day in which I’m not even coming close to getting down in writing everything that we are learning.
Posted by Peter Mork at 6:51 AM | Comments | TrackBack
October 13, 2005
Salsa in Caracas
This morning was a fairly relaxed day. Em and I caught up on a bit of writing and work. The travelogue is officially backlogged over a month at this point.
Tonight though we had a great time with Vladimir’s son, also named Vladimir. He took us out to a salsa bar to hear one of the best bands in Venezuela. Those lessons I took back in Mexico finally paid off. On the way to the bar we learned that no one stops at red lights at night in Caracas. The threat of getting robbed is greater than getting hit by another car coming through in the other direction.
We stopped off first to meet a group of his friends at a smaller bar. On the way there we were flagged over at a random police stop and Vladimir had to pay a bribe to a cop because his license had just expired. It is typical here he told us.
Once at the bar we had some beers and got to know everyone. They were really a nice group. Em and Vladimir warmed up for the larger salsa bar we were heading to later by dancing to a few songs at the first place, but I decided to save my array of 2 moves for bigger club.
We arrived at the main place a little after 11:00 and the band was great. Later on we were told that the lead singer was an actor from the movie we had seen earlier in the week Secuestro Express. Sure enough it was him. We finally called it a night as the band was wrapping up. On the drive home we had anther good talk about what it happening in Venezuela with Vladimir and it was interesting to get his take on the situation. We have to wake up somewhat early tomorrow so right now it is off to bed.
Posted by Peter Mork at 6:44 AM | Comments | TrackBack
October 12, 2005
Touring Caricuao
This morning we headed out to Caricuao on the metro with Vladimir to tour the area with Yajaira, an acquaintance of his who was a resident of the neighborhood. Specifically we were interested in taking a look at some of Chavez’s “Misiones,” programs that plan to improve access healthcare, food, and schooling to poorer districts.
Yajaira was extremely nice and while I believe this was her first time acting as a guide, she was extremely professional in her approach to the task. Interestingly, while not a ‘Chavista,’ today she dressed in a red shirt and red hat to avoid any possible problems.
During the half day tour we were able to take a look at a variety of Chavez’s projects. Barrio Adentro, a program that has brought over 8000 Cuban doctors to the Venezuela, was of particular interest. Unfortunately, the office we visited that was a product of Barrio Adentro I (the first phase of the program) was closed due to the holiday so we were unable to speak with the Cuban doctor who lived there. The building was a small octagon brick structure that housed the Cuban doctor in a room above with what looked to be a one room office below. Buildings that were much bigger and were to be the site of Misiones Barrio Adentro II & III were still under construction. The site of the Bario Dentro II building we were told formerly housed the offices for an opposition political party.
There was also a large hospital that had been refurbished by the Chavez government and in addition renamed. At this large facility Venezuelan doctors worked during the day while Cuban doctors worked during the night. It did appear to be in excellent condition but, as such, they were also currently dealing with overcrowding as people from other neighborhoods now came to this renovated facility whose care was far superior to those closer to their homes.
Directly next to the small healthcare facility from the Barrio Adentro I, we toured a government Mercal, a store where food was sold at about half the cost of private retail outlets. Government subsidies accounted for the price differential. There was plenty of rice, lentils, and oil, all manufactured by the state company CASA. All these products also contained propaganda messages with stories and drawings on the back of their packaging. The store also contained various jars of sauces and other goods that were from a common national brand name company, and we were told this was a recent edition to the Mercal.
There was no chicken or milk in the store. When these products arrive there are huge lines that form and people buy all these products up until they are sold out. Customers are only allowed to buy limited amounts of these goods as they are in such high demand at the low government prices. The limits (in theory) prevent both the store selling out quickly and to prevent reselling of the goods. The stores are partially subsidized to cut the prices and in addition they do not have to pay taxes that private businesses do pay.
Walking around the streets with Yajaira she pointed out quite a few interesting things. Five years ago, when the economy was better in the region, there were no street vendors. Now looking up and down the street many were visible. We headed into a centro commercial that was located right off the street but it was now practically deserted. While some of the stores were having a rough time a few years back and had started to close, it was impossible for the remaining to compete with the Mercal and that competition had sealed their fate.
This reflected a comment that the BBC posted in a recent chat it had with Chavez. At the BBC site a store owner stated:
I am a single mother of 3 with a food shop in Caracas. The government has just opened a Mercal store close to me with subsidized prices at 50% of what I can sell. My business will soon be finished. I am one of millions of poorer Venezuelans that are facing lower income and unemployment. Does the government plan to employ 25m people? Why don't they understand they can best help us by allowing our businesses to do well? Most of us do want work and do well and provide for our families. Andreina, Caracas, Venezuela
We next toured a school and were introduced to a group of young adults who were in charge of programming for a local radio station. The radio station is another of Chavez’s Misiones . The programming ranges from local news to music, but of course is in the revolutionary spirit. A few people at the meeting wore Che shirts. Again they operate on government funding so they don’t need to worry about taxes or finding advertising like private programming.
Across from the school was another medical facility called Comite de Salud. Previously, it was called an ambulotorio and was a small clinic for local people much like the Barrio Adentro I program. However, this building was now run by a Cuban doctor and the name had been changed. I was originally under the impression that all the medical facilities build under Barrio Adento were being put in areas that previously had no medical services. The ambulotorio showed that this was not the case. There had originally been a Venezuelan doctor in the area that had now been replaced by a doctor from Cuba.
Walking down the street we were told how regular garbage service with trucks and dumpsters had been suspended. Now Cooperativos Bolivarianos cleaned the streets but Yajaira showed us how much of the trash was simply dumped into a washway/river that ran along the road. After the cooperatives would leave it there it was left to the rain to eventually wash it away.
Over lunch, Yajaira told us about some of the problems she had encountered on the day of the referendum vote. For a little background, the recall referendum was an attempt to oust Chavez from power in 2004. Opposition groups gathered millions of signuatures (twice) for referendum vote that took place on August 15th, 2004. Acording to international observers Chavez triumphed by 20 percentage points on this date, but not without a good deal of controversy. (Read an exchange on the topic between President Carter and The Wall Street Journal’s Mary O’Grady HERE, HERE, and HERE).
I had heard that there were horribly long lines the day of the elections and her stories confirmed this. She arrived at 4:00am in the morning to vote so she could get to work early but there was already a long line at the poling station. Earlier, from her apartment above, she could see trucks of people arriving around 3:00am in the morning. Apparently these people held up the line for a good part of the day although they were not sure exactly how. Needless to say the line didn’t move. She finally reached the front and voted at 2:00pm. There is a good deal more she told us about the election and her experiences in the city (attempting to enter a school, ID cards, etc) that I am going to leave for another post. In short, it was an extremely enlightening discussion.
Tonight for dinner we were invited over to Vladimir’s house to have dinner with his family. Elisabeth, his wife, had many more stories for us. I won’t get into all the details here but I’ll point out just one that I found interesting. After the opposition initially collected enough signatures for the referendum against Chavez, the government began to knock many of the names off the list using arbitrary standards such as if the signatures looked like they were written by the same person. In the end it was declared that everyone would have to return to the polls to confirm that they had signed for the referendum. But before this was done a list of everyone who had signed for the referendum was made public on the internet by Luis Tascon, as deputy in Chavez’s party.
(READ MORE ON THE TASCON LIST HERE AND HERE)
Those who had signed the referendum found it difficult to obtain government identification (something needed to vote), if they had contracts with the government they were often cancelled, while others were fired from jobs. The government also made it clear that people could retract their signature from the referendum in the second election if they wished. We were told that many people did just that to avoid further harassment. Amazingly the referendum still passed on this second go-around.
After dinner we watched another film that was basically news coverage of the events that let up to April 11th , 2002 when Chavez stepped down from power and his return shortly afterwards. It gave Em and I both a much clear understanding of all the events that had occurred prior to the recall.
Back at our place it was sad reflecting on all we had seen and learned today. We live in a place where you don’t give a second thought to signing a petition to recall Gray Davis. Not so in Venezuela, but people still signed, marched, and protested to get Chavez out of power. All that effort and sadly is still in office… two years after his original term was supposed to end.
You begin to realize that it is impossible to completely understand what this country has gone through. You get glimpses when you share in their excitement when they recount the joy they felt the day that Chavez stepped down, or you think you share in their depression when they recount his return. But the fact is that what I will feel will never be as intense or as real. Makes me glad I had the sheer luck of being born in California, and true pity for those who now forced to deal with the current political situation in Venezuela.
Posted by Peter Mork at 6:38 AM | Comments | TrackBack
October 11, 2005
Teleferico
Over breakfast this morning we talked with Vladimir a bit about the plans for the week. There is a possibility that we might head to Maracaibo for a meeting on Friday but it is still up in the air. It sounds like an interesting option if it works out.
I am having trouble accessing my site from the house so Vladimir’s son gave us a lift to an internet café that is nearby. Everything ended up being fine with my site, which was a relief. We walked over to the Centro San Ignacio and grabbed a quick bite to eat before it was off the teleferico.
The teleferico is a gondola that takes you up to the ridge of the mountain range that separates Caracas from the Caribbean. The ride up gave us some amazing views of the city. Caracas really is enormous.
Once we had arrived at the top you could feel that it was a bit cooler than down in the city due to the altitude. The views were spectacular. We ended up staying up there for a few hours and actually had dinner at a restaurant that overlooked the city. Although they were out of beer the food was great.
Once back in Caracas we grabbed a cab back home and then were shortly off to Beatriz’s house (Vladimir’s sister) to watch a movie called ¿Premio Nobel de la Paz…? by Malena Roncayolo. The movie is a documentary about acts of aggression by the Chavez government against the opposition. We are planning on meeting with Malena on Saturday so it gave the film even more meaning. It definitely had some powerful footage and I plan on getting a copy before we leave.
We ended the night trying some homemade arepas while Beatriz talked about the special kit she would bring to marches to prepare for tear gas. There have been several occations that she has had to use it. Apparently vinegar and toothpaste do the trick. It is just bizarre that we were sitting in such a calm, normal environment with such nice people, yet tear gas was the topic of conversation.
Posted by Peter Mork at 6:36 AM | Comments | TrackBack
October 10, 2005
Walking around Caracas
Today we woke up and Juan who works at the house made us a great breakfast. We set off towards the business district where our first task was to get some money out of the bank. It proved to be a more difficult task than I could have imagined. ATM after ATM refused to accept my card, many that it should have worked with due to the “Plus” compatibility. The banks wouldn’t take travelers checks either but we were informed in a bank at the Centro San Ignacio that there was a money exchange office right across from another mall called Sambil that was further south.
Once there, we headed into the mall first to see if we could find an ATM that would work. Again, no luck. I was starting to think that the bank had possibly blocked my card after so many attempts but miraculously we finally found an ATM that accepted it and got out some cash.
With money in hand I set out to buy a watch. Somehow I lost mine back in Nicaragua and it has been driving me nuts not having the time readily available. We found a Casio shop and Em and I ended up getting the same watch, so we now have the matching male and female models. Ah… the joys of marriage.
It was interesting that after purchasing the watches we had to give the store not only our passport numbers, but address we were staying along with a phone number. Later we would learn that this is a new government regulation and is required not only for foreigners, but for all Venezuelans as well.
After the mall we started walking towards Plaza Venezuela, which was located 2km away. Heading down the main pedestrian walkway, right before we entered the area full of buhoneros (street vendors), a woman walking next to us warned us to put our bags in front of us and to keep an eye out for thieves. Entering the busy streets packed with vendors we both agreed that while it was hectic it did seem more organized and calm than cities like San Salvador.
The small stands had everything you could imagine. We were told that Cuban doctors were told by the government not to go to Sambil as the people who shopped there wouldn’t like their presence in the mall. A more plausible reason is that they didn’t want them going there because they would see just how well enterprises can work outside of Cuba. Walking along the street vendors I commented to Em that the Cubans didn’t need to go to Sambil, to experience it they could come to this street alone and be amazed at the availability of goods relative to life back home.
Various times during the walk several young men would chase us down to ask us for the time. Obviously they wanted to steal something from us but in broad daylight I thought it would be an impossible task. Down at Plaza Venezuela Em pulled out our small camera to take some pictures of some red shirts that had Chavez in a beret posed just like Che. This attracted the attention of a few more guys that made their way towards us. I felt more like a target for thieves than in any other city we had been in. To take a break from the crowds we stopped at a restaurant that was set up in the middle of the street to have a beer and relax.
We talked to the waiter for a while we were enjoying a Polar beer. He thought we were German, but once he found out we were from the U.S. he started talking politics. Topics included how much Chavez was helping the people through low cost markets, medical care, and redistributing unproductive land to small farmers so that Venezuela could produce its own goods and not have to import them from countries like Brazil. It was interesting to get his view on all the current events. Also, during the conversation we noticed that one of the guys who had asked us for the time about 1km back was getting searched by the police right in front of the restaurant.
After we finished our drinks we headed back to Sambil where we were going to watch a movie called Secuestro Express. It perked our interest because there is currently a case heading to the Venezuelan Supreme Court trying to get a scene removed from the movie. The controversy surrounds a clip that shows a group from the mayor’s office firing handguns at protesters marching against Chavez. It was also not put forth by the country for Oscar consideration for political reasons, something there is now a petition people are signing trying to get reversed.
Well, the scene that caused all this controversy was about 2 minutes into the movie and lasted about 10 seconds. After that the next 1 and ½ hours followed a couple our age who were kidnapped in Caracas. It was one of those movies where not too many good things happen. After the film I was joking with Em that I was too scared to leave the theater. Luckily she was brave enough to get us to Plaza Altamira where Vladimir picked us up and took us back to the house.
Posted by Peter Mork at 6:33 AM | Comments | TrackBack
October 9, 2005
First Day in Venezuela
This morning Vladimir took us to a great restaurant right next to the golf course near the house. There we feasted on some traditional Venezuelan dishes: arepas (thick corn tortillas) and perico (a scrambled egg dish w/ bell peppers). The view was beautiful and the food was great.
Afterwards, we headed back to the house to catch “Alo Presidente,” Chavez’s weekly television show. The programming consists of him talking for up to five or six hours about subjects that range from politics to his daughters pets. He also has a variety of guests and takes phone calls from the public.
When we returned he was already on the air and was soon using encyclicals of the Catholic Church to justify property seizures. A half hour later he was touring a new medical facility and interviewing with a Cuban doctor. Chavez hugged her and greeted her family back home between her explanations of how the new medical equipment in the office worked. Later, he continued speaking in front of a large group, consisting mainly of medical students, who were clearly thrilled when he announced that he planned on giving them a 30% raise. At another point in the show Chavez read a letter from a resident of Nothern California who asked if Chavez could send money to pay for things like pencils and notebooks that children in the local school lacked due to the neglect of the Bush administration. Vladimir commented that it was probably one of the easiest requests that Chavez has ever gotten. I’ll have more to say on the show in an essay but to me it was an odd mix of political commentary and Jerry Springer.
The presence of Cuban doctors in Venezuela is in and of itself and interesting topic. Under the Barrio Adentro program established in 2003, thousands of Cuban doctors were brough to the country to help provide healthcare to lower-income Venezuelans. Vladimir explained last night during the drive into Caracas that the doctors live in small buildings built specifically for the program. Their offices are on the bottom floor and the doctors live on the top floor. Residence of the neighborhoods in theory can visit the at anytime for medical care as the physician is always on site. In exchange for Castro sending doctors, Chavez provides Cuba oil at a steep discount.
An hour or so into the program Vladimir asked if we wanted to turn off the volume for a bit to take a break. At the time, as it was my first time watching the show, I was still very much enthralled with the program and didn’t see the need. Another hour later not only was the volume off but I was on the computer in the other room taking a break from the program. It really does get wearing and it is amazing how the guy keeps going and going.
Later in the day Vladimir gave us a tour around town in his car and at the conclusion he dropped us off at the base of a trail near the foothills of the mountain that separates Caracas and the Caribbean. Em and I hiked up into the mountains to get some exercise. We also got some great views of the city as we ascended. Looking at the magnificent city Em and I both wondered how it was possible that the crazy guy we saw on television earlier was running this country. People were out in force getting their nightly walks so it felt quite safe. We finally reached an exercise area about 40 minutes up the trail and then headed back down towards the house.
Tonight we had dinner at the house with Vladimir’s wife, brother and sister, and their families. It is something the group tries to do every Sunday and was really a nice affair. We spent time getting to know them, talking about our trip, and leaning even more about all that is going on in the country. One thing that became clear in talking to them is the hate that is being bred in Venezuela. A real fear of violent Chavistas exists against the opposition/people who speak out against the government. Chavez also commonly refers to his opposition as esqualidos (i.e. squalid people) and divisions are exploited by the government with both race and social class, although the opposition is truthfully made up of a broad spectrum of society. There were also more insights into the economy as we talked about how businesses are getting hit from both sides as they are pay a value added tax on products and are also forced to deal with price controls.
They are such a welcoming and lively family.Tomorrow we plan on walking around the city and getting a feel for the area.
Posted by Peter Mork at 6:25 AM | Comments | TrackBack
October 8, 2005
From the Panama Canal to South America
Although our plane left at 12:30 and we needed to get to the airport early, we still wanted to squeeze in a visit to the Panama Canal in the morning. We grabbed a taxi and were there when the gates to the Miraflores locks opened up at 9:00am. It was an impressive sight watching the boats head through and the water in the locks change elevation as they passed. I could have stayed for hours but at 10:00 we had to hit the road if we wanted to make it to the airport on time.
On the way back to the hotel as we were passing the former U.S. military installations, the taxi driver told me that the gringos were idiots for giving up the canal, and he would have never done it. We talked to him for awhile about it, as he also gave us a lift to the airport. To me it seemed that while deep down he was glad Panama had control of the canal since 2000, he also lamented the fact that fewer U.S. dollars now flowed into the region. He dropped us off at the airport at about 10:40.
I thought we were there in plenty of time but we due to long lines that were apparently the fault of a computer malfunction, we ended up having to run to the gate to catch the flight that departed at 12:30. In line in front of us was a Columbian woman now living in Miami who was returning to visit her sisters. We were on the same plane, as our flight required a short stopover in Bogota, Columbia. She told us that it was a shame that we were skipping Columbia in our travels. An hour and a half later we were in Bogotá and changed planes to head into Caracas. When we started our decent Venezuela looked beautiful from the air. Beaches, forests, and a blue Caribbean ocean made it look like paradise. As we were landing though I started to get a bit of the same feeling I had when we were flying into Cuba. With all the tension between the two countries (Chavez was saying at a UN meeting just a month ago that the U.S. was going to bomb Caracas and take their oil fields) I wondered if there was going to be any hassle getting through immigrations and customs with U.S. passports.
It turned out to be easy. We sailed through immigration and custom stopping just long enough for immigration to stamp our passports and for customs to welcome us to Venezuela. The airport was also one of the most modern and clean I had seen in my life (Vladimir later told us that the international terminal we were in had just been completed.)
Friend Vladimir was waiting at the airport with a sign that read “Mork” so he was easy to spot. It was really nice to see a familiar face. On the way back to his office (formerly his parents house, which is where we were going to be staying) we talked about the plans for the week. Earlier in the day he had attended the premier of Guevara: Anatomía de un Mito, a movie that was about the myth of Che Guevara. At the showing he had met a variety of interesting people, a few of whom we may meet up with later on in the week.
He also explained about the road that linked Caracas with the airport. At the time of its construction in the 1950’s it was a major engineering feat. Crossing the mountains that lie between Caracas and the sea, it cut the commute time from hours down to 30 minutes. Today it is in need of maintenance like many things in the city. But it still did its job of getting us to the capital.
During the ride we talked about a variety of subjects. One of particular interest was Chavez’s recent war against private schools. Despite the fact that inflation is leading to annual price increases in the high teens, Chavez has imposed price controls on tuition that are making it difficult for private schools to survive. Affected by inflation just like everyone else in the country, schools are forced to find ways around the price controls, like charging extra for English or other other non-core classes. Obviously, what is being taught in private schools isn’t under the control of the government and that is something that Chavez fears.
It was hard to get a feel for the city in the dark, but the numerous skyscrapers stood out. We passed by Plaza Altamira, now commonly referred to as Liberty Plaza, after a woman protesting was shot and killed and many others wounded by Chavez supporters the day after the referendum in August 2004.
Once at the house we met Vladimir’s son, also named Vladimir, and got settled our room. It is amazingly generous for their family to put us up like this. We toured the neighborhood walking before we called it a night. It looks like a beautiful place. It was interesting though, a nice restaurant near the house looked deserted, and this was on a Saturday night. Possibly an insight into how well people are doing economically.
Back at the house Vladimir left for home and Em and I called it a night after another long day of traveling. Hard to believe we’ve made it to Caracas and are now in South America.
Posted by Peter Mork at 7:24 PM | Comments | TrackBack
April 6, 2005
A "New Man"?
Yesterday, I spoke with a friend in Caracas about our ever closer trip around the world. Most of our discussion was about Venezuela and was quite fascinating. After the call, I was reminded of a WSJ article on an attempt in the country to make a "New Man". Obviously easier said than done, but bizarrely the attempt is being made. In the bigger picture, the article is quite a commentary on means and ends:
To Fix Venezuela, Ex-Guerrillas Want To Make 'New Man'
Grand Utopian Experiments Are Funded by Oil Money; A Boost to Chávez's Power - Job for a Former Kidnapper
CARACAS, Venezuela -- Trying to foment a Communist revolution here in 1976, Carlos Lanz and five other men kidnapped an American executive, who then spent much of the next 3½ years chained to a tree in the jungle. The revolution didn't arrive and Mr. Lanz went to prison for military rebellion.
Thanks to Venezuela 's fiery president, Hugo Chávez, Mr. Lanz is getting a second go at revolution in the world's fifth-largest oil exporter. Buoyed by oil billions and back-to-back electoral victories, Mr. Chávez recently gave the ex-guerrilla a new job: devising a plan for economic self-sufficiency in which selfless workers would labor contentedly in utopian cooperatives. Mr. Lanz says he wants to create nothing less than Venezuela 's "New Man."
"We are talking about the transformation of man's attitudes," says Mr. Lanz, now 60 years old, during an interview in his office high above the armies of peddlers who bivouac in Caracas's decaying city center. Among his goals: having Venezuelans eschew Pepsis and Big Macs for sugar-cane juice and Venezuelan-style pancakes called cachapas.